Showing posts with label CBC news. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CBC news. Show all posts

Thursday, February 10, 2011

Stock market mergers- consider the issues

by Don Pittis


So, what is Canada giving up if we sell — sorry, "merge" — our stock markets with the London Stock Exchange? I would say a lot of people, including people in the business, have no idea. But to many other Canadians, as I have discovered in the wake of this deal, the implications of the merger of the TMX Group, operator of the Toronto Stock Exchange and the Toronto Venture Exchange, and the LSE are even more confusing.

Let's tackle the simple issues first. Stock markets involve people standing in a room shouting at each other, right? Wrong. With a few rare exceptions, stock exchanges are as virtual as a game of Star Craft II. It always surprises me how many otherwise well-informed people (including young TV producers trying to illustrate "stock exchange" in a news story) think differently. Not only are stock markets now completely inside computers; they have gone through a second transition that is more important to this week's deal: stock exchanges have become themselves publicly traded companies.

The facade of the former Toronto Stock Exchange building on Bay Street. Stock markets are no longer the brick-and-mortar institutions of old. (Chris Young/Canadian Press) These two changes, virtualization and corporatization, have created a great gap in the way Canadians understand the takeover, whoops, "merger," of all our biggest stock exchanges in the multi-billion-dollar deal announced on Wednesday (which still needs government approval).

There are two diametrically opposed ways of viewing exactly what markets and marketplaces are.

To most Canadians — those only distantly connected to the world of finance — a market is a physical place where we go to buy and sell physical things. For those people, markets are real, not virtual. They are local institutions owned by the community. The best parallel might be a weekly farmers market, where real people bring products they have grown or made and others come to buy them. A farmers market has a single location so people can find it. It is run by a group of local Canadians, which we might call the Farmers Representative Council. The council decides on a membership fee or charge to use the market stalls. The FRC also decides on opening hours and various rules like whether or not dogs are allowed in the market.

This is very much how financial exchanges used to run as well. And when the Toronto Stock Exchange began life in the mid-1800s this was the way it operated.

But not any more.
Markets are money

The year 1997 was when the Toronto Stock Exchange went virtual. Only three years later, it transformed into a for-profit company. Nowadays, the TSX, like many other big stock markets, is no different from other publicly traded companies. And this the basis for the other completely opposite way of looking at a marketplace the way the financial world views it. From this financially sophisticated perspective, it is as if the Farmers Representative Council had been sold to a group of unknown strangers. According to the calculus of public companies, it doesn't really matter who owns the market. The owners don't have to be local, and they don't have to be Canadians. The only thing that matters is that a single share is worth a price, and anyone who wants to offer a little more than the going rate can buy it. When it is time to make rules or decisions, every share gets a vote.

Location is also now out the window. From previous takeover deals, we've already found out it doesn't really matter where companies like Stelco or Inco or Potash keep their head offices. In the case of stock markets, it is even less important than in the case of businesses with factories and mines. With stock markets, virtual trades can be made from any computer almost anywhere.

Other physical aspects of stock markets are gone, too. Stock certificates, for example, have become virtual, largely replaced by bits and bytes on computers. Xavier Rolet, CEO of the London Stock Exchange, and Thomas Kloet, CEO of TMX Group, are smiling, but most Canadians don't really understand what the proposed merger of their respective institutions means in this day of virtual stock markets. (Chris Young/Canadian Press)

So, now that we see the two ways of looking at Canada's markets, we come back to the real question: what difference does it make to Canadians who owns them? What we discover is that it depends which group you ask. If you ask many Canadians, they will say, "We don't want Toronto, Montreal and Calgary to lose their markets. We don't want foreigners to buy up and control our local institutions."

If, on the other hand, you ask financial specialists, their answer will be clear: "It is not up to Canadians to decide who owns our markets. It's up to the people who own the shares." Here, we are seeing the exact same divide and the same difference of opinion that occurred over the sale of the Potash Corporation of Saskatchewan. As Canadians, we feel like we own the Toronto, Montreal and Calgary stock markets. But is that feeling virtual or real?

And we are seeing the same hard questions as in the Potash case: are corporations institutions, or are they private possessions? In my opinion, it is clearly in the interest of Canadians to control and retain the head offices of important companies within Canada. As I said before in the case of Potash, keeping brick-and-mortar head offices at home creates spin-offs — from legal work to the sale of hot lunches — that make the Canadian economy strong.

In the case of the TMX-LSE merger, there are other reasons to be concerned. If provincial governments think a single Canadian regulator will shrink their influence and power, just wait until the really import decisions are being made by the London-based Financial Services Authority. Bleating from provincial capitals will sound like peeps to them.

But here is the hard part: we may want to keep the company, but it is not ours to keep. How do we decide when it is right and fair to treat someone else's private property as our own institution?

If only the government had made it clear exactly why it turned down the Potash purchase! Then, we could examine the criteria for demonstrating that the Potash sale was not a "net benefit" to Canada and see if they apply this time. But despite many requests from those of us paid to ask those questions, the government never answered.

It well may be that the real and unspoken reason the Potash deal failed was because it was politically unpopular. The Conservatives did not want to be seen as "the party that sold out Canada." If that is the case, the only answer is to ignore the experts and listen to ordinary Canadians.

So, if you are planning to make a noise, now is the time. London may not hear you.

Read more: http://www.cbc.ca/money/story/2011/02/09/f-vp-pittis-tmx-lse-merger.html#ixzz1DZwC63fd


Just where does Hosni Mubarak's wealth come from really?

By Brian Stewart, special to CBC News

Of all the remarkable developments pouring out of Egypt these days, one pertinent issue has yet to receive the attention it deserves — the curious case of Hosni Mubarak's wealth.How much is it? Where is it all kept? And where did it come from?

Over the years, reputable sources have insisted that the president and his two sons, Gamal and Alaa, have accumulated somewhere between $15 and $30 billion in family wealth. Some estimates go far higher. We should keep this in mind when some Egyptian and U.S. officials bleat on about Mubarak's "60 years of devoted service to his country" and that he deserves an "honourable exit."

Indeed, while the world media has understandably concentrated on the calls for freedom and democracy emanating from Tahrir Square, some reporters have noted the words most chanted in the streets of Cairo are "corruption," stealing" and "thieves." Protestors in Tahrir Square in Cairo chant anti-Mubarak slogans around a mangled poster of the Egyptian president in February 2011. (Asmaa Waguih/Reuters) So far, in the negotiations to replace Mubarak, the top opposition voices have skirted around this potentially explosive issue.

Still, on Monday, a group of 20 prominent Egyptians petitioned the public prosecutor to investigate these stories of the ruling family's vast wealth and how exactly it has been accumulated during the Mubaraks' 30-year lock on power.Its rich source, according to several Mideast experts, flows from the sons being granted free shares in any new enterprise opening in Egypt.

Corporate tithing

Foreigner enterprises that wish to do business in Egypt are commonly asked to give a free 20 per cent stake to prominent Egyptians, according Christopher Davidson, professor of Middle East Politics at Durham University in England."This gives politicians and close allies in the military a source of huge profits with no initial outlay and little risk," Davidson said in an interview "Almost every project needs a sponsor and Mubarak was well placed to take advantage of any deals on offer."

Understanding this kind of corporate tithing explains the hold the Mubarak family has on the country's ruling elite. But reporting on Mubarak's "hidden billions" may significantly complicate the efforts of both Egyptians and outsiders to nudge the aging president from office (and presumably into exile) in a peaceful transfer of power.

As the extent and source of his wealth becomes better known, it will become much harder for those in the West, to argue that Mubarak should stay on until September as a guarantee of stability in the region.
Because he has been a dutiful regional partner in the Middle East, successive U.S. administrations have been ready to downplay Mubarak's authoritarian rule.
But if hard evidence emerges of corruption running into the billions of dollars, then we should expect to see that familiar spectacle of official Washington scrambling away from yet another strongman friend.

Abuse and intimidation

"All this raises a question," New York Times columnist Roger Cohen insisted this week.
"In the name of what, exactly, has the United States been ready to back and fund an ally whose contempt for the law, fake democracy and gross theft flouts everything for which America stands?"

Hosni Mubarak's two sons, Alaa (left) and Gamal, in October 2010 visiting the tomb of assassinated former president Anwar Sadat. The president has said that Gamal, who headed the top political committee of the ruling National Democratic Party, would not try to succeed him. (Amr Abdallah Dalsh/Reuters) Of course, the U.S. and many other nations, including Canada, will say Mubarak's stability was vital to Mideast peace.

But these friends of Egypt now can't be "shocked" to discover the true extent of top-down corruption in his country. It has been no secret that, under 30 years of Mubarak rule, traditional corruption in Egypt expanded at every level. Egypt's government has been thoroughly abused by a system of bribes and favours backed up by intimidation and legal threats. Anyone who hinted at financial abuse inside Egypt risked arrest and possibly torture by the feared secret police, who had their own stake in a corrupt system.
Even the military, beyond criticism in Egypt, has such extensive business interests that U.S. diplomats viewed it as a form of "Military Inc.," according to a recent New York Times story. The military owns enterprises in electronics, hotels, energy and even household appliances and bread production that are often run by retired generals. According to Transparency International's annual corruption index, Egypt ranks an ignominious 98th of 178 countries, just ahead of Mexico.

Astonishing non-achievement

As for the immediate crisis, however, one has to wonder about the willingness of a systemically corrupt regime to yield to reform. From what I have been told, there is fear throughout the upper reaches of the Egyptian government that a serious investigation into corruption will burn them all.

That prospect could well drive them to hang on to power whatever the costs to the country. For how does one even begin to unravel corruption on this scale? The truth and reconciliation commissions that worked so well in South Africa and Northern Ireland dealt with acts of past violence. Dealing with stolen mega-fortunes may not be so easy.

There was a time when wealthy dethroned leaders — such as Egypt's playboy King Farouk in 1952 — could simply fly off into gilded exile on the Riviera or in Switzerland. But today those in exile face posses of lawyers and investigators demanding prosecution and even extradition. Determined to maintain the safety that power offers, the new government appointed by Mubarak has thrown a few sacrificial multi-millionaires over the side. Even a close business associate of Mubarak's son Gamal — the widely loathed Ahmed Ezz, a steel merchant and leading member of the governing party — has had his assets frozen.

But these token gestures have hardly appeased demonstrators who have run out of patience with a system that has cheated their lives at every turn. Even as Egypt enjoyed economic growth in recent years, most citizens felt excluded.The super rich grew ever more dominant and flashy while 30 per cent of the population remained illiterate — an astonishing non-achievement — and gross national income is a mere $2,000 per family.
While the world marvels at what is going on, an unjust system keeps those who lost out demonstrating in the streets, just as it keeps those who most benefited clinging desperately to power, lest the full truth come to light.


Read more: http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2011/02/08/f-vp-stewart.html#ixzz1DZuhK2uv